बाइबाइ ज्ञानेन्द्र

ज्ञानेन्द्र शाहले सन् २००५ को अप्रिल १८ मा टाइम एसिया म्यागजिनका लागि दिएको अन्तर्वार्ता यहाँ राखिएको छ । राजाको हैसियतबाट गिरिसकेका ज्ञानेन्द्र शाहको अन्तर्वार्ता जस्ताको तस्तै:
For his first interview with the foreign press since his takeover on Feb. 1, King Gyanendra met TIME's South Asia bureau chief Alex Perry at his offices in Narananhity Royal Palace.
TIME: It was a well-executed takeover. Had you been planning this for a while?King Gyanendra: I have been asked this by others as well. There really was no plan about it; it was just something that I think was in the cards. The many Nepalese that I was meeting at that time, including visitors from various parts of the country, very clearly [had] one aspiration, which was peace. For them [the takeover] was a foregone conclusion. I did try to get the message across to the various governments of the day, that [if they did not give] due recognition to the aspirations of the people, we would not be heading in the right direction. I think Feb. 1 was just, if you like, a fall-out of the accumulation of these aspirations. There was no one thing that sparked this.
TIME: What did you make of the strong international opposition?Gyanendra: It's fair to say that those who should have known [what I was planning] knew, and those who should not, simply did not. Surprised is not the word. Disappointed, that's the word. Because what was the objective of Feb. 1? I think I made it very clear: to fight for democracy against terrorism. Now our friends must come and tell us whether this objective is incorrect, or help us in this cause.
TIME: Can you understand the skepticism that greets statements like that, when you talk democracy but your methods are anti-democratic?Gyanendra: For me skepticism is slow suicide. It's reacting with half knowledge. Yes, we can go on arguing about methods, but something that was done under the provisions of the constitution cannot be defined as undemocratic. Yes, we can go on asking: was it necessary to go so far? But a little less might have yielded no results at all. I am saddened by the few of our friends that have chosen to curb much-needed assistance. Many Nepalese are identifying who their real friends are in this time of need. And I hear that this [suspension of aid] is being done because they feel much of the assistance will be used against democratic forces. I think that's a lopsided opinion which has not been thought through. This is just imperfect knowledge, and that is the parent of doubt, and in this situation there is no room for that.
TIME: Are you asking for help from elsewhere. From China? Or Pakistan?Gyanendra: This is a misconception, a slander. These options are always there; as of now, it's not true. We hope saner heads will prevail [in countries] where we have already received such vital assistance.
TIME: Do you agree you've taken an enormous risk, with your crown and your life?Gyanendra: It depends what you mean by risk. I'd look at it in this way: in many cases in our history, the monarchy has always sided with the people and risked itself with them. But that's not considered a risk. That's considered conduct by, for and with the aspirations and will of the people. The commitment to upholding democracy is something that a King has made to his people and no one can break that trust.
TIME: In your proclamation, you spoke of an offensive against the Maoists. When can we expect that?Gyanendra: Is that something that's prudent? Do you want us to be aggressive, insulting or attacking? I do not think it is wise to only attack. There are many other things which also have to be implemented, like winning the hearts and minds of the people, for example. You have to have the population with you in this type of situation.
TIME: You're hinting that this is an unwinnable war.Gyanendra: It's not a question of winning or not winning. It's a question of taming. The Royal Nepalese Army is conducting itself under the rules and laws proscribed in the constitution. At the same time, the nation has chosen today to in no way accept terrorism, and they will conduct themselves accordingly. [A military operation] is not for me to talk about. But clearly a decision has been made that in this country, the use of terrorism is not acceptable, and the RNA will do the needful—whatever is required. They will coerce, comprehend, coordinate, cooperate. No law abiding citizen in Nepal should feel any pain. Yet those who do not abide by the law, who do not accept the majority's choice, they will feel pain.
TIME: There are serious concerns over the RNA's human rights record. Do you share them?Gyanendra: Think of Guantanamo, Iraq. We don't have bad stories like that. I am not saying that there have not been some accidents. We do have some instances [of abuse], but they have come to the fore and where the guilty have been found, action has been taken. You asked me this once before, and I give you the same answer: are these questions being raised now because the RNA is being successful?

TIME: What about the reports we hear from Kapilbastu, of lynch mobs killing 30 people, burning hundreds of homes, and encouraged to do so by the RNA?Gyanendra: Let's be very clear here. Has Nepal witnessed rising public antipathy against terrorism? Yes. That's a fact. No one needs to instigate the public. Enough is enough. That's clearly the message the rural population is giving the terrorists. They are rising up. And I welcome these moves by the people. They have given a clear message to the terrorists that they are unwelcome and that no more will they tolerate their attacks, their extortion and their kidnapping. But when they do rise up, they must conduct themselves in a proper and civil manner and according to the rule of law. It also absolutely untrue that the RNA was in any way involved in this incident. They arrived on the scene only after they received a message [about the incident]. They went to restore peace, not instigate violence.
TIME: Doesn't it worry you, taking power with a military that is so criticized?

Gyanendra: Did I use the military to take over?
TIME: OK, let's call them the security forces.

Gyanendra: Of which there is a civilian component.
TIME: Let me put it this way: do you feel you have complete control over the army?Gyanendra: I do not believe in controlling anything. If the system works, discipline is there and the system does not function at the whims and fancies of an individual. If you're talking about loyalty, that's another thing.
TIME: What am I trying to get at is: you used the army, which faces serious questions over its human rights conduct, to take over.Gyanendra: Are you accusing me of a coup? This is not a coup at all. An emergency has been declared. You can debate whether it should have been declared or not, but once it has been declared, constitutional provisions forces one to ... implement those clauses that an emergency puts into place. And there has already been a relaxation. That's the only decree I've made since Feb. 1. What else have I been trying to do? We have enough laws and regulations to do what we need to do. Nothing new has been introduced.
TIME: The one thing you share with the rebels is a frustration with the performance of the political parties. Tell me why.Gyanendra: I am still frustrated. I think any sane individual would be. The parties have to understand that there is a changed context, and they need to come forward with their perceptions on four things: on our fight against terror, on our fight against corruption, on fiscal discipline, and on strengthening the bureaucracy to make it more result-, people- and service-oriented. If we are clear on these four things, then we can discuss the methods and systems to achieve peace.
And what's peace for? Peace is for stability. Give peace a chance. And what will peace give you? An opportunity to hold elections. And what are they for? So that parliament can function again. And what is parliament for? So that the democratic parties are in place again. I am giving you a roadmap. And I urge all our friends to give their support and understanding in this cause.
TIME: The thing is, you shut down the political parties, locked up their leaders. Don't you think you damaged, or even made irrelevant, the very things you say you're working to strengthen?Gyanendra: You can only damage something if it's sound. If it is not, if it is already broken, I don't call that damage at all. It's not for me to say and judge how the parties should be run. But it's for me to say that if they do not conduct themselves as representatives of the people, then there is something basically unsound.
Look, democracy is here to stay. No one will be able to get rid of it. And the institution of the monarchy will see to it that no one can get rid of it. But the parties are a vehicle in that progress, and you can always change vehicles. The people have to decide what vehicle they want.
TIME: Do you think the rebels have lost any claim to a legitimate cause?Gyanendra: Yes. This is proved by their actions. Their actions speak for them. Look, you have to have a balanced approach. You cannot go to extremes to achieve things. But this is a language that they do not understand. Which part of the constitution does not allow them to talk peacefully? You don't like some word, you don't like some idea, these things can be thrashed out peacefully. This outdated, dilapidated thought that everything comes from the barrel of a gun is not an ideology accepted anywhere in the 21st century.
TIME: That's also something to talk about. To an outsider, this war, a King fighting a Maoist guerrilla, can seem strangely historic, as though Nepal is fighting the battles of the last century.Gyanendra: (Laughs). You can put it like that if you like. But it's not a question of the monarchy fighting. I think the Nepalese understand that it's a question of the survival of the nation. We cannot afford this conflict anymore. Democracy is not about 'I am as good as you.' It's about 'you are as good as me.' People have to understand this. We have heard: 'Freedom enhances democracy.' We agree with that. But here again in Nepal, what is happening? Such undisciplined freedom has nearly brought about the end of democracy. Why is it that as soon as we talk of freedom, everyone forgets their duty and responsibility to the nation? Are individuals above the nation? Is a system above the nation? We want to see mass participation in the democratic set-up where the masses are given the opportunity to have a say in their own welfare. We want to see transparency, openness and communication flourish. The people must be their own masters.

TIME: Is it your view that to achieve this, Nepal must pay some price, must make some sacrifice?Gyanendra: These times are not going to be easy for the Nepalese. We have to learn to be austere and pull up our socks. We have to learn to stand on our own two feet, and I am not saying that because aid is going to be stopped. Extreme times require extreme measures. Extraordinary situations require extraordinary decisions. The nation must come first in these trying times.
TIME: Let's be frank here. When you talk about dark times ahead, what you're saying is: 'people are going to die.'Gyanendra: How many have already lost their lives? My intention is to make sure that that does not happen in the future. In the history of a nation, these changes do take place and we all hope it's going to be for the better and that's what we must strive for. There is a long way to go and I have requested people to give me a certain amount of time and I intend to make the best use of that time in the wisest way possible. Without the cooperation of the people, no one can succeed. What is all this exercise for, if not for the people? What is democracy for?
TIME: Taking over after losing most of your family, and then facing a crisis in which you have to ask people to give up their lives: do you feel the burden of office?Gyanendra: I feel it must be my destiny. And if that's the case, so be it. I will not shy away from responsibility. Without stability, there will be no prosperity, and prosperity is for posterity, not just for now. We have to balance our options, weigh them wisely. Which leader does not face pressure? For that matter, any leadership is a question of living dangerously and being at risk, but that does not mean one shies away from it. We learn to meditate, relax and execute things correctly, which is nothing new to our culture.
TIME: I've asked you this before, but how lonely are you, in power, facing a crisis alone, with most of your family gone?Gyanendra: It depends how you view happiness and loneliness. If you pursue happiness, you will not achieve it. But if you seek happiness in duty, then happiness will follow like a shadow follows the sunshine. If by being lonely, you mean that I am unsatisfied, I can positively tell you that's not the case. I have a duty towards my nation and my people and I intend to fulfill it to the best of my ability.
TIME: Does the security situation, the threat, restrict your ability to connect with people?Gyanendra: It's not so bad that I'm unable to move around. It's a misconception that I am confined within the compound of the palace. It's absolutely untrue. And as far as being in touch with the people, do people's voices reach me? Are their aspirations being fully represented? I think we have developed the correct mechanisms and representatives to get that across to us. I am fully satisfied that I am hearing the voice of the people.
TIME: Do you find support in religion?Gyanendra: If you're asking me where is God, I would have asked you: where is he not? It's as simple as that. Yes, religion gives me solace, support. We all turn to something that gives us peace of mind. And that's only one thing. Speaking to people about your worries, it's like a valve opens and the pressure is released. One does not have to go berserk, or go into a state of depression. This is something that we continue to hear happens in your cities because of the values you have, because you are so interlinked with material pursuits.
Family is another thing that gives me support. Family ties are very important for me. A family that eats together, stays together and I insist on having a meal with my family daily. I believe family is the very foundation of society: when you enlarge a family, the social structure becomes civil society and enlarge that and it becomes a nation. My family is a fortress of strength, and I think each member realizes his of her responsibility and understands very well the changed context demands more responsibility, not irresponsibility.
TIME: On the responsibility and irresponsibility of members of the royal family, some have had concerns on that score regarding the Crown Prince.Gyanendra: That's something you should ask him, it's not for me. But that new understanding and approach is already bearing fruit.
I would have thought you would ask me about what it's like being in power.
TIME: Well, sure, what is it like?Gyanendra: Look, we all know that absolute power corrupts absolutely. We know these clichés, we've heard these things since our school days. For me, it's like this: he who exerts power, does so out of weakness. For me, power is patience and gentleness. There are three origins of power: wealth, strength and talent. The combination of all three, wisely used and applied, will give you what you seek.
TIME: What's in Nepal's future?Gyanendra: With determination, discipline and diligence, Nepal will move forward. Perseverance, honesty and moral values must be part and parcel of our daily lives. A little law is required. If we achieve all this, then I am optimistic about the future of Nepal. Peace must be given a chance. Peace must reign. Then we can get on with the business of advancement of the system, of economics, of industries, of the wise use of our natural resources, and this will bring us to prosperity.
I am also confident that all our friends will understand and support us in the pursuit of these values and ideals. We have chosen a path now, and it's strewn with many, many thorns, but we intend to go over those thorns when it comes to the question of terrorism. Those who help us get rid of these thorns so that we can achieve our objective will be more than welcome and will identified as friends in times of need.

विदेशी सञ्चारमाध्यममा नेपालको गणतन्त्रको समाचार

गणतन्त्र नेपालको घोषणालाई विदेशी सञ्चारमाध्यमले प्रमुख खवर बनाए । चर्चित सञ्चारमाध्यमको अनलाइन संस्करणबाट केही अंशहरु





माइनस जिन्दगी........

जिन्दगीहरु धेरै प्रकारका हुँदा रैछन् । अचेल मलाइ माइनस जिन्दगीको भूतले छुन थालेको छ । माइनस जिन्दगी भनेको के हो भन्ने कुरामा म स्पष्ट छैन । तर पनि यो शब्दप्रति मलाइ विचित्रको मोह जाग्दैछ । मेरो कार्यालयका सहकर्मी दाइ विनयले गजबको परिभाषा दिनुभयो माइनस जिन्दगीको ।
जब मानिस प्रेममा पर्न लागेको हुन्छ वा कसैलाइ मन पराउँछ तब उसमा विचित्रको क्रियसन आउँछ रे । तर जब उ प्रेममा फँस्छ तब उसकी प्रेमिका कसैसँग बोल्दा, हाँस्दा वा हिड्दा पनि उसको मनमा पीडा हुन्छ रे । उसको एक कल नआउँदा वा एसएमएस नआउँदा पनि उसले आफ्नो जीवनलाइ माइनस महसुस गर्छ रे । तपाइलाइ के लाग्छ नि माइन जीन्दगीको बारेमा, यसो थाहा पाए कसो होला ?